By learning as much as we can about the cultures and beliefs of families we serve, we think professionals will be able to provide more welcoming, accepting, and satisfying service to the families. This book was written to provide professionals with an introduction to the lives, culture, beliefs, and attitudes of families from Mexico, specifically from rural and semi-rural Mexico(1) This population is often very culturally different than families from the cities in Mexico partly due to the lack of access to education --and often harder for American professionals to work successfully with.
Why is it important for service providers to understand Mexican immigrant families? Latinos, of which Mexican origin families represent the highest proportion, have the highest fertility rate in the U.S. and their numbers in the general U.S. population are expected to outpace the national growth rate into the next century. Although Latino families are becoming an increasingly visible part of the social and educational landscape, our knowledge concerning development in this group is relatively limited.
Even though the Latino population is the largest and fastest growing minority population in California and in the U.S., we and many of our colleagues at schools, clinics, and other agencies have long felt out-of-touch with the needs of Latino (and other ethnic minority) families. This has been true both in our direct work with families and in our training of professionals.
Through our work as child development and child behavior specialists, we have learned that a more detailed understanding of family and parent/child functioning is a requisite to successfully guiding and educating children and their families. Because culture plays a major role in all areas of life, understanding a family's culture is a necessary starting point.
Much has been written about the orientations and values of different cultures (for example, "individualism" vs. "familialism"). Though these writings tend to be very general, they have, at least, made information on various ethnic groups' values more accessible. It has also made us more aware of the outcomes of the different child-rearing practices in various cultures. But we need more specific information about the beliefs and practices in child rearing that produce these outcomes.
What will help us are details about the attitudes, views, and specific "building blocks" involved in the handling of infants and young children in areas such as crying, feeding, sleeping, playing, communication, limit setting, and language and motor development. We need to learn more about the day-to-day and moment-to-moment roles parents from rural and semi-rural Mexico and their extended family take with their children and the decisions they male concerning their children and why. This information will allow us to understand both the family's and the culture's contribution to a child's development. As we learn more about individual cultures, our guidance to families can be built on the beliefs they hold dear. Our education and guidance, of course, has to be based on the individual history and uniqueness of each family.
In gathering the information for this book, we kept one predominant question in mind: What would be important for professionals, such as ourselves, to know and do when serving, educating, and treating the Mexican population in the U.S.?
We began our learning through reading books, journal articles, and newspaper articles. We read in fields such as health care, child development, mental health, and education. These readings lead to contacts with national and local Latino organizations and with most of the Latino-focused parent education programs. We developed an extensive (75 item) interview that focused on the beginning years of family life to help us understand the building blocks of the Mexican parent/child relationship. (See Appendix A). The interview included detailed questioning in the area of infant, toddler, and preschool child-rearing practices because these years in a child's development and in parent/child relationships have such an important impact on a child.
Through our contacts, a list evolved of Latino professionals who work extensively with Mexican families in the United States, primarily from rural and semi-rural Mexico. This list included parent educators, home educators, social workers, early childhood educators, school psychologists, school principals, university professors, health care professionals, etc.-most of whom work in California and, as you will see, all were very knowledgeable and articulate.
We talked individually with the professionals to explain our interest, learn about their backgrounds, and let them review our interview questions--which they found very comprehensive. After our discussions allayed any fears they had about reinforcing negative stereotypes about Mexican families and adding to the barriers already experienced by Mexicans in the U.S., the Latino professionals all responded enthusiastically to our project.
As we conducted our initial interviews, new questions surfaced about areas we hadn't initially intended to include, such as what life is like in Mexico, why Mexican families come to the U.S., what adjustments and prejudices they experience in the U.S., and what the issues are for older children, teenagers and their families. We modified our interviews to incorporate the new questions and invited additional Latino professionals with expertise in these areas to join our project. Some of these professionals specialized in elementary, intermediate, and high school education; some worked with Latino youth groups; others focused on women's issues. With the additional interviews, we were able to broaden the scope of our work to include these and other related issues.
In all, we conducted interviews with 27 Latino professionals.(3) All of these professionals have close family links to Latin America. One third of our interviewees were born in Mexico. Most of these professionals moved to the U.S. when they were 10 to 15 years of age and have lived here for 15 to 35 years; a few came as infants. Another one-third of our professionals were born in the U.S. Most of these professionals had either one or both parents who were born in Mexico; the remainder, whose parents were also born in the U.S., had grandparents from Mexico. Except for one from Spain and one from Cuba, the remaining one-third of our professionals came from Central or South America. It is interesting to note that two-thirds of our Latino professionals are of Mexican heritage--consistent with the proportion of Mexican or Mexican-descent families among the Latino population in the U.S.
Most interviews took 1 1/2 to 2 1/2 hours and were conducted in person or, if the distance was too great, by telephone. The interviews were tape recorded and later transcribed. The interview process was very difficult and emotional for nearly all of the Latino professionals. They spoke candidly about their people, their heritage, and themselves, about both the joyful and painful aspects of Latino life. They did this with the hope that their efforts would contribute to a better life for Latinos. Some of their responses triggered a sense of despair in them. Almost every one of the professionals expressed a feeling at some point during their interview of being disloyal to their own people. This ambivalence, which is natural for bicultural individuals, is captured in these quotes.
To broaden our understanding and to compare our impressions with those of our Latino professionals, we surrounded ourselves with Mexican culture. Beyond our interviews and extensive readings, we met with groups of Latino public health nurses, parent educators, and social workers and listened to their views. We attended workshops (such as those of the Hispanic Women's Council) and accompanied public health nurses and parenting educators on visits to 15 homes of Mexican families who came from rural and semi-rural Mexico. The main focus of those home visits was on the parent child interaction and the professional/parent interaction. (During these visits, the public health nurses and home educators translated for us.) We made additional visits to shared homes of single mothers from Mexico and to nursery schools and child-care centers that served mostly families from Mexico. We watched videotapes, movies, and theater about life in Mexico. We made observations at pediatric clinics, community centers, food markets, and department stores serving nearly exclusively Latino families (with dialogue translated by a Spanish-speaking colleague).
Each step of our learning process added detail to our picture of the issues facing Latino families. Each resource validated what we were learning from the others. We were continually drawing tentative conclusions, checking them out, and modifying them.
Our interviews with the Latino professionals were by far our most valuable resource and are the heart of this book. Throughout our interviews, we asked the Latino professionals for advice about what other professionals could do to make their work with Mexican families more successful. Most of their experience with Mexican families were with those from rural and semi-rural Mexico but they kept reminding us that families from large towns and cities in Mexico were quite different. The Latino professionals generously shared their ideas and their experiences. They gave us many suggestions about ways to make U.S. life, customs, and systems more understandable to Mexican families. And they told us of the need for Mexicanos to make certain changes as well. But the professionals worried about changes that Mexicans feel pressured by U.S. culture to make that might go beyond the necessary and interfere with values that they hold dear.
Our snapshot of life in 1994 for Mexicans in the U.S. who come from rural areas may be very different just a few years from now. We repeatedly heard about the many changes that had occurred and were still occurring.
Socioeconomic/Educational Level: In the U.S., the Latino population lives, on the average, at a lower socioeconomic level than the Anglo population. Twenty-nine percent of the 22 million Hispanics living in the U.S. live below the 1993 poverty level ($14,350 or less for a family of four). This is in contrast to 9% of non-Hispanic whites. About 30% of Hispanics have no health insurance, compared to 13% of whites. Interestingly, 80% of Hispanic men were in the labor force--a higher percentage than that of non-Hispanic white men (75%).(4) Significantly, although it continued to grow during the past decade, the percentage of Hispanics enrolled in higher education is still the lowest of all minority groups. In 1991, Hispanics had the lowest level of high school completion (51%) of all race and ethnic groups in the U.S. From these statistics, it is clear that many Latinos are poor and have little formal education. These statistics are descriptive of the Mexican segment of the Hispanics in the U.S.
All people with little education and low incomes have many experiences in common. But this book is about rural/semi-rural/very small town Mexican culture and values, not about the culture of poverty. The interviewed professionals and the authors were all keenly aware of this and quick to point out when an experience was due more to socioeconomic level than to Mexican culture.
At the same time, poverty and limited education cannot be ignored when trying to understand the lives of many Mexican families in the U.S. Both factors are a very important part of the U.S. experience for a significant number of these families. These are the families we see a great deal of in California and are trying to learn more about in this book. These are the families that come from semi-rural and rural Mexico, from small towns and poor farms. Many of the Latino professionals we interviewed come from this same background as well.
Religion: Much of the Mexican experience is almost inextricably tied to Catholicism. Ninety percent of Mexicans are Catholic. It is nearly impossible to separate out the influences of the Church from the influences of being Mexican. For most in the U.S., being Catholic is part of being Mexican. The group we are trying to learn about are mostly low income with limited education, from rural areas and very small towns of Mexico, and mostly Catholic. These are the Latino families that American professionals find so challenging that they especially need to understand better.
Acculturation: The interviews explore the changes that occur as a family becomes acculturated. Acculturation involves more than the number of years lived in the U.S. It is reflected in, among other things, an increased use of English in the family, increased interaction with people other than Latinos, and more schooling. It involves personal struggles about the conflicting values of the two cultures, Mexican and the U.S.. But acculturation does not mean assimilation. Acculturation is an acceptance of one's minority culture and of the majority culture and, through eventual adaptation, internalizing elements of both cultures. Assimilation generally means that the ethnic minority gradually loses its distinctiveness and becomes part of the majority group.
Many immigrants across the world as they come to new countries do not necessarily become acculturated, and certainly do not necessarily become assimilated.
Stereotypes often have some truth to them, and some value; they help people simplify and classify but can also prevent people from getting to know each other and become friends and learn from each other. Too much trust in the stereotypes perpetuates them and perpetuates separation among groups.
In this book, we have tried to provide a foundation for more in-depth learning about families from rural and small town Mexico. Understanding the basis for, the reasons behind, the values of, the motivations, and the hopes of a people can have an important ameliorating effect on the ways we look at others. This is what is intended here. In Chapter 6, p. 36, on being a Mexican living in the U.S., we further explore stereotyping. It's important to remember that an individual's behavior, attitudes, beliefs, and character are governed by many factors other than culture. These factors include individual background and experiences, socioeconomic status, sex, age, length of residence in a locale, education, and the history of the culture's entry into the U.S. (including the impact of shifting immigration regulations) Each of which will have an impact on cultural practices as well.
In order to understand the Mexican immigrant as an individual, it is important to understand the variability that exists in this population. Although a great number come from small rural communities in Mexico, many do not. Although some already have family members residing in the U.S. to which they can turn to for support, many do not. Tremendous variability also exists in the quantity and quality of the schooling received in their home country. However, regardless of these differences, Mexican immigrants share the belief that economic and educational opportunity are better achieved in this country. Thus, they are willing to tolerate high degrees of personal and economic hardship to afford future possibilities for themselves and their children. Like most immigrants, this is why they come and this is why they stay.
Understanding and Working with Parents and Children from Rural Mexico is divided into five parts, each containing topical chapters. The best foundation for understanding the family from rural and semi-rural Mexico will be gained by reading Parts I, II, and III sequentially before reading the remainder of the book.
Part I is about life in rural Mexico--an important starting point for a book chiefly about people from Mexico or of Mexican descent. Our experts talk about why and how Mexican families come to the U.S., the adjustments they have to make, and the issues of prejudice, Latino values, beliefs, and family structure. In Part II we learn about the beginning years of family life: marriage, infant care, and the roles of mothers and fathers. Part III focuses on child rearing practices up to the teen years, with special attention given to communication and limit setting. Part TV explores the school experience, both in Mexico and in the U.S. It also provides insight on issues of special education (including family involvement) and discusses critical aspects of the teen years. Part V, though speaking directly to health care issues, will be of value to all professionals. In this part, the Latino professionals offer suggestions on establishing an enhanced relationship with small town Mexican families and understanding and working more effectively with their folk healing practices.
In the Appendices, you will find resources to help you understand and become more comfortable with families from rural Mexico. The appendices include a map of Mexico (with all its 31 states and their pronunciation), recommendations for additional reading, a list of Latino parenting education programs and of a wide variety of other Latino-focused organizations.
This book is for the teacher, nurse, physician, parent educator, special education clinician, child-care provider, mental health clinician, social services staff, and others who want a better understanding of families from rural Mexico, the regions where well over 60% of those who come to the U.S. come from. We hope you enjoy and learn from what we believe will be an interesting and helpful journey.
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1. The majority of families coming to the U.S. from
Mexico come from rural and semi-rural Mexico. Approximately 30% of people
living in Mexico (total 1990 population: 81 million) live in rural and
semi-rural areas with populations well under 2,500 in those regions. But
at least 70% of those from Mexico who come to the U.S. come from these
sparsely populated regions that exist throughout Mexico --north, central,
and south. In the last 10 years, due to the 1980s economic crisis in Mexico,
immigration from the cities of Mexico to the U.S. is increasing. However,
at least 60% of the Mexican immigrants still come to the U.S. from rural
and semirural areas. (Personal communication, Wayne Cornelius, Director,
Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, University of California, San Diego, August
5, 1994.)
2. Throughout this book families from Mexico are referred to as Mexicans, Mexican-Americans, Mexicanos, Hispanics, or Latinos. The Latino professionals we met during this project suggested these and other possible designations but as with other minority groups, preferences for how they want to be referred to change with time. However, the terms Hispanic and Latino are both much broader than the term Mexican, and refer to people born in Spanish-speaking countries and to people born in Latin America, respectively. The words Anglo, U.S., and American are used interchangeably to refer to the predominant or majority culture in the U.S.
3. A list of the professionals interviewed, with information
about their backgrounds can be found in Appendix B.
4. Based on a 1992 national census report.